Reflections

Encounters of a Different Kind: Marking Undergraduate Placements

As part of my new Lectureship at Kent, I’ve been volunteered to mark a number of placement reports that undergraduate students write upon returning from a year in industry. Divided into sections like “Linking Theory to Practice” and “Reflections on Learning”, these reports are meant to ease students back into academic life after a year of working in corporations large and small, from large investment firms and famous automotive manufacturers to small start-ups and cafes. There are a number of things that I find to be troubling about these reports; number of things which have lingered with me after submitting my marks for moderation. I have boiled these down into concerns regarding the quality of scholarship and concern for the students themselves.

Regarding Scholarship: The first thing that I noted was that none of the projects offered up any kind of critical insight into the rhetorics of the modern corporation. I’ve written on this very blog about the fact that I felt like teaching students to think critically was not only an important “transferable skill” but a moral necessity of my job; a responsibility to curtail future financial crises, stop the usage of child-labour employing sweatshops, prevent environmental pollution, and in aggregate convince future managers that the crass exploitation of people and natural resources in order to create shareholder value was not only unethical and manifestly immoral but anathema to their civic and professional responsibilities. It is precisely this that made me find these reports so appalling. None could call into question a statement like “People are our greatest asset” or “we care about the environment”. None seemed able to reflect upon the fact that material on corporate websites should be treated as marketing propaganda and not a legitimate academic source. All blithely accepted the culture management regimes of the organizations that they were in and I am not sure if it is worse to believe that they didn’t but were too scared to represent their cynicism in an academic context.

Many of the projects were barely “academic” at all. Many were little more than “case-studies” for basic textbook concepts cribbed from Huczynski and Buchanan and the like (I note Clegg et al, is becoming more popular). Not only was there very little engagement with journal articles but there is no sign of any reflexivity, merely “I read about motivation in the textbook = I was motivated on the job to achieve my self-actualization needs.” While this should remind us of one of the well known problems of management research- that those we study all too often are aware of the tools that we might pursue to study them with- as I read a student’s account of how they learned about Peter Drucker’s “management by objectives” framework while at the organization that they were studying, and how they would proceed to use that same “theory” to understand the organization, I recognize that “theory” here is a sacrosanct artefact which is applied to the experience- either of life in the corporation or the same as viewed academically- and as such is beyond challenge, existing only to be applied. No aptitude for the exercise of critical judgement appears to have been cultivated.

In aggregate, this makes the reports read less like an affront to academic and scholastic values and more like a condemnation of the human condition. A compendium of excerpts from the diary entries could easily be called Excerpts from a Servile Mind or in the case of the one student who, through a typical undergraduate lack of research, said “Throughout its long history, Bosch has always been a company that has placed corporate social responsibility above all else.” Holocaust Denial and How to Profit from it: Corporate servitude on the road to genocide

Concern for the students: At some point, however, my despair at what I was reading turned to genuine upset and concern for the persons penning these narratives. While I could critique, in many cases, their lack of academic rigour or their research shortcoming; I found my analytical gaze frequently stymied by the harrowing personal reflections that often made up a part of the report. Students reflecting on stress during a merger, depressive episodes that made them feel “unmotivated to work”, anxiety over having to seek out a new placement midway through the year, instances of genuine pity and empathy in the face of an Other (having to change a customer large fees), indications of burnout and trauma etc. All of which are always legitimated and explained away as “part of the job”. I was reading recently about the horrors of the American occupation of Japan after WWII and was struck by the usage of the phrase: shikata ga nai or “it cannot be helped”. E.g. the bombing of Nagasaki was regrettable but it was a war and it could not be helped.” I see the same legitimation of suffering on a micro-level (and consequently with much less death) in these students. This normalization of a miserable organizational reality concerns me because I can foresee the awful futures that this legitimation produces.

Many diaries, also read like the most depressing diaries of a Kafka-esque bureaucrat, something cut out of the movie Brazil for being too bleak or some more subversive version of Orwell’s 1984 where instead of following Winston’s rebellion, we follow someone who is entirely indoctrinated into and unquestioning of party ideology: chronicling frustrations with traffic on the commute, which supermarket they frequent to buy lunch, what meetings they attended and what their role in these were, what procedures they learned about and when, which programs they learned to use and which colleagues they “got on with”: there was no sign of a human, a thinking and sentient person in many of them, merely an automaton going through the motions of an in-corporated life. I here invoke “incorporated” to reflect a complete colonization of self, a terrifying and complete capture of thought by the corporate apparatus that effaces the action of the capture so that students perceive their work as “critical” because it can contrast, say, two different models of culture. I felt an enormous swell of pity for these students when I realized this.

In sum, marking these assignments was an exceptionally edifying experience that I wanted to make note of. It reminds me of the importance of what I do.

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Reflections

Journal Fetishism

As of the 18th September 2017 I am no longer unemployed and stuck in a post-PhD hole. Instead, I am a Lecturer in Organizational Behaviour/HRM at the University of Kent. While I’m still job insecure because I don’t know what I’m going to do next year when my contract ends, and somewhat petrified that I have to convene my first  module on managing contemporary HRM, I have a post at a University which is more than I expected to have a month ago.

Canterbury is an absolutely beautiful city that I’m still exploring and aside from my overly letigious landlord and a few HR hiccups, I’m relatively happy and settling in. I do however have to note something that happened in my first departmental meeting. At one point the former department head did a count of the number of three and four star papers in the room to assess whether the department was meeting university targets. While it was a mundane gesture in the context of the conversation (one about university targets and advertising the excellent research done by the department) to me it seemed to shift the atmosphere of the room from collegial to administrative and gave the entire meeting an uncomfortable tone that seemed slow to pass.

I thought that I understood the importance of publishing but really had no concept of how gripping “4* fever” was. I don’t think that I appreciated that it was a complex collective and personal identity project and not just a managerialist control measure (i.e., a loved torture and not an administrative box to tick). That is, that one might feel personal and collective pride for publishing in a 4* outlet and intense shame for having not done so (or not done so enough). I wonder if Hugh Willmott appreciated the full extent to which the publication becomes a fetish-object when he wrote about journal fetishism and its dangers? That is, that the 4* publication itself becomes an object imbued with supernatural and almost mystical powers (to save a job, to secure a pay rise, to gain departmental leverage) as well as being one associated with obsession and eroticized preoccupation- more 4*’s can save us.*

What most concerns me is what this does to my own publication aspirations. I still find myself drawn to journals which rank at either 2* or below or do not appear on the CABS list at all and concerned that these outlets seem increasingly less attractive. I find myself anxious that I do not have any 4* publications and thus I find myself troubled by both the immorality of the cultivation of that anxiety and the hypocrisy of capitulation as I try to pressure my co-author to get a paper into Organization Studies as soon as possible.

 

*I do wish to note for the record that my new department is far from publication obsessed and indeed, has been nothing but welcoming and supportive of me and my research.

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Reflections

“Explain what you actually found [at the shopping centre] without reference to some Deleuze concept that I do not understand.”

I have been asked a great many questions about my work over the years, some banal, some based on misunderstanding, some (like those of my viva) exceptionally challenging in ways that forced me to rethink the project and the value that I placed upon it but I have  never been asked a question that I perceived to be so openly hostile to my work or my intellectual project. Instead of telling a rather senior member of staff at a distinguished UK university, who was on this occasion part of a panel interviewing me for a lectureship, that I found his question at best dismissive and at worst rude and prejudicial given the circumstances, I fumbled out an answer about the imparsability of conceptual entanglements which I do not believe convinced him for a second that my research was useful, interesting or engaging. That is, while for me, the idea that the means and motives, people and places of the shopping centre and largely unknowable and impossible to disentangle from webs of connection and concepts, is an essential idea, I don’t think for a moment that this “Socratic wisdom” was something he accepted as an answer to his abrasive question.

If I have been bold enough, I would have systematically deconstructed the assumptions that my work at the shopping centre could have “clear findings” separable from the “theory” with which I engaged and would have highlighted the paradox in him asserting that I need not provide a “simple” answer while still necessitating that Deleuze not be invoked. I find myself reflecting in disappointment that I did not respond to this question with a more disagreeable bent (I thought that if I had I would have reflected poorly on both my subdiscipline of CMS and my supervisor who had written me a great recommendation letter). I continue to reflect that if I had been offered that job, I would not have taken it simply because of how maligned I continue to feel by that question. I reflect further on how welcoming, particularly by contrast, Kent has been to me thus far and wonder at the shift in my thinking from “any port in the storm” to “you are not right for me”. I don’t know yet what this means for my work but I’ll continue to reflect on it.

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Papers and Ongoing Research

Conference Presentation: Organizing “the ontological turn” or what Organizational Ethnography can learn from Viveiros de Castro

I presented my work on Viveiros de Castro at the 12th Ethnography Symposium this week. There was a pretty good turn out and I heard some very interesting papers, some in my panel, and others in Ed and Leo’s stream on extreme work and ethnography. The stand-out paper was perhaps a colleague’s “undercover ethnography” in a Spanish brothel.

Part way through my own presentation I had the strangest experience, a weird crystallizing moment where I realized that no one on the room quite followed what I was saying. Perhaps this is not correct; perhaps it is more accurate to say that the concerns that I was trying to vocalize and speak to with the paper were those that either were not shared by the audience or, because if their theoretical backgrounds,  that it had never occurred to them to be concerned about what I was proposing. This is not to speak ill of my colleagues, rather it is to say that I need to find a better way of explaining and contextualizing the problems of the ontological turn so that their importance can be better appreciated. This requires less in the vein of “strategic referencing” and more of a concern for developing better examples, through fieldwork, of the problems with which I am concerned. What follows is that paper in full, warts and all which I leave here so that I might keep reflecting upon how to improve it.

 

Organizing “the ontological turn”

Preamble

Organization studies is fairly conservative in its experimentation with the method of ethnography, at least when compared to anthropology, where ethnography seems on the surface to be constantly explored and reinvented. We can pick up a recent copy of The Journal of Organizational Ethnography or The Journal of Business Anthropology or indeed more mainstream journals and find very good ethnographic work, reporting on the nuance of the contemporary corporation but in the same ways and with the same preoccupations as were had by trailblazers like Van Maanen or Watson. That is to say, preoccupied with the same concerns of uncovering the everyday realities of practices etc. and not yet attentive to questions of representation, deconstructions of the ethnographer as subject, questions of the posthuman etc. This is where the “ontological turn”, a movement within anthropology to reconsider some of the assumptions upon which ethnography is based, becomes important for me. The paper that I want to give today speaks to this as it is born out of an interest in the “ontological turn” and a fondness for the work of Brazilian anthropologist, Eduardo Viveiros de Castro in particular. Specifically, it hinges on the question of “What makes good ethnography?” I used to think that good ethnography was defined by good storytelling (Bourgois) but for reasons that I’ll outline here I now think that what defines good ethnography is the creation of “concepts”, tools for thinking that though inseparable from the milieu of the field can constitute a “way of looking” which emerges from it. In this paper I want to look at how Viveiros de Castro develops concepts and hopefully we might emerge from this talk with a better understanding of how to look at our ethnographic work in organizations and think about concepts.

As such, today I am concerned to address a fairly simple question: “What can the ontological turn help me to think about in my ethnographic work?”. The argument that I’m going to unpack is that the ontological turn offers organizational scholars a way to rethink (or unthink) how we engage with concepts. Writing about the ontological turn Holbraad and Pedersen (2017) cite the play of concepts (in addition to a heightened reflexivity and a willingness towards experimentation) as one of the things that the ontological turn does differently from what came before.

In order to develop this I want to think about the nature of concepts through a consideration of the concept of nature. In order to do this, I will consider the ways in which “nature” is depicted in the shopping centre (my now and former field site), and then develop out of a reading of Viveiros de Castro’s concept of “multinaturalism” a pedagogy of the concept of nature (and thus a concept of the concept) as it works therein. Finally, I want to conclude by developing a set of sensibilities that an ethnographer in the field-site  of a contemporary organization might use to be attentive to what I shall call the “ontogenesis of a concept”.

 

“Nature of business”

The concept of “nature” is one that is implicated in a number of debates, so many and so large that it would be foolish to try to speak to them all. As such, I want to give an example that I think illustrate simply a point that I want to make about concepts in general and the concept of nature in particular. I could give examples from newspaper archives or from recently published “management guru” literature but instead I’m going to give one that involves an ethnography at a British shopping centre.

So let’s say that you’ve been studying a shopping centre for about a year and notice an increasing number of store fronts covered over with large but well-designed canvass screens in order to hide the fact that they are now empty. Stores coming and going is not an unusual occurrence but it seems to you that over the last month there have been more than usual, remaining empty for longer than usual. When you ask an interlocutor, a former school-teacher in her sixties who lives literally “around the corner” from the shopping centre, what she thinks of this, she says something to the effect of, “That’s just the nature of how things are,”

I want to suggest that this is a watershed moment in the ethnographic work and from here there are two predominant paths that the analysis can take, one that I have to caricature because of time constraints and another that I want to consider more carefully. The former involves an analysis of disposable capitalism. Here the ethnographer basks in the glory of noticing something that they are not supposed to notice and begins to study rent inflation in the shopping centre or the ways in which the shopping centre constructs itself as a portrait of Middle-England while simultaneously trying to paint a more aspirational identity. A study begins to emerge of working class/lower-middle class v big business politics; the kind that critical-scholars might delight in and knowingly nod at and and connects to work in a Marxist tradition of organization studies that offers critique of class capitalism and the inequalities that it entails.

The second involves obsession. An increased sensitivity to what this statement, “That’s just the nature of how things are,” might entail, how it is used, to what ends etc. In so doing, one might find that the word “nature” will start cropping up everywhere (Baader Meinhof phenomenon), from in conversation about interlocutors’ trips into nature, to stores advertising products proudly telling consumers to Go Natural!, from strewn copies of newspapers on the floor of the bus with articles talking about business leaders and their visions of sustainable business that “cares for nature” or is “at one with nature” to the “Management and Leadership” section of the shopping centre’s bookstore in the form of titles like The Nature of Business. One may even find in the year end reports of the corporation that owns the shopping centre, a justification for the seemingly foolish fact that the company has sold off all of their holdings of property in the London area that reads as follows: “Since 2009, a key driver for growth in value within the UK real estate market has been exposure to central London properties […] however, given the cyclical nature of the property sector, we would not expect this trend to endure over the long-term cycle.”

While critical attention when it comes to the subject of “nature” is focused on the new vogue of “sustainability” and “sustainable development”, “business ecology”, the “circular economy”, and the ever-present“corporate social responsibility” there is some previous scrutiny applied to this conceptualization of nature. In a 2003 paper, for example, Banerjee traces the ways in which nature can be recast as a passive actor in a discourse of scientific and economic progress which ignores specific (often colonial) power disparities. He says “The reinvention of nature by biotechnology, apart from assuming no material ecological impact, provides legitimacy for the dominant order and ruling Elites” (Banerjee, 2003, p.167). Garland et al (2013) also analyze the ways in which hyperreal images of “nature” form a part of advertising for “green” vehicles like the Toyota Prius. For them the purposefully idyllic image of “nature” (blue skies, perfect grass, pristinely trimmed trees etc..) evokes a sense of nature as tamed in “an improved, rehabilitated future reality” (p.691) disciplined and controlled by the corporation in a show of its implicit power (see Adorno and Horkheimer). What is absent from these analyses is, however, is the multiple ways in which “nature” might seem to work in the shopping centre; its irascible, unpredictable and ultimately indifferent character that produces all of these empty shops.

 

The Ontological Turn and Eduardo Viveiros de Castro

So what does this question of the “nature of business” have to do with the ontological turn and Eduardo Viveiros de Castro? Perhaps the core of Viveiros de Castro’s project is the concept of “Amerindian perspectivism” and the consequent notion of “multinaturalism” both of which are best explained in and through the following quote, from his 1998 paper Cosmological Deixis and Amerindian Perspectivism, which attempts to explain the ways in which the various people of Amazonia (particularly the Araweté who are Viveiros de Castro’s main reference in terms of the peoples who belong to the Tupi–Guarani language group) experience their reality:

“humans see humans as humans, animals as animals and spirits (if they see them) as spirits; however animals (predators) and spirits see humans as animals (as prey) to the same extent that animals (as prey) see humans as spirits or as animals (predators). By the same token, animals and spirits see themselves as humans: they perceive themselves as (or become) anthropomorphic beings when they are in their own houses or villages and they experience their own habits and characteristics in the form of culture” ( Viveiros de Castro, 1998, p.470)

What Viveiros de Castro is sketching here is a complex system of species or being-specific points of view that materially shift the nature of “reality” based on relations to others. It is not that there is one reality, one true nature, wherein humans, animals and spirits all correspond to their “proper” Rather, within a perspectival metaphysics one assumes that the human, the animal and the spirit each have an anthropomorphic perception of self and world that constitutes a unique ontology. Viveiros de Castro (2015, p.71) offers the following description of the experience of life in Amazonia from different points of view:

“what we take for blood, jaguars see as beer; the souls of the dead find a rotten cadaver where we do fermented manioc; what humans perceive as a mud puddle becomes a grand ceremonial house when viewed by tapirs.”

It is not that the jaguar’s perception of, say, the human as a gourd of beer is a hallucinatory aberration or primal misperception, rather each perspective constitutes its own reality. What perspectivism stresses is that the world is inhabited by many different types of subject all of which understand “reality” from different and distinct points of view. It is therefore, incorrect to speak of “the world” rather than “a world” because perspectivism does not assume a thing-in-itself (i.e. that there “really” is blood on the floor which the jaguar “mistakes” for manioc beer), rather, it operates on the assumption of absolute relativism; that there are simultaneously multiple interfacing realities in existence, each of which constitutes an equally “true” or veridical perspective on the world and lies in the Tupi-Guarani creation myths where, at some point in our collective history only people existed and it is they who would evolve into the animals and spirits that populate the earth now. What this implies is that there is not one but many “natures” the perception of which is contingent upon one’s “point of view”.

Such a mythological system confronts the anthropologist with a problem which has historically been difficult to articulate: does one account for these differing points of view by calling them “beliefs” and treating them as a unique culture which possesses a “different” understanding to what Western science and metaphysics “know to be true” about the natural world and the evolution of species or does one try to understand, through dedicated conceptual engagement, a world wherein “nature” means something different, where the so called “natural order” of things is suspended and where “human” means something other than we understand it to be, such that Araweté mythology can be true? It is the choice of the latter that characterizes the ontological turn and though the “strawman” of the former can often be problematic (see Graeber, 2015), there is a definite shift in how we think about the concepts that we encounter in the field. In one sense the ontological turn thus asks if we can “de-natural-ize” our thinking

These are big questions that link to debates around Nature/Culture that encompass the work of other anthropologists like Wagner, Strathern, Descola and Levi Strauss as well as eminent scholars like Latour and Stengers; too much for us to cover today. So I want to leave them hanging and briefly explore the what I want to call the ontogenesis or emergence or most appositely the becoming of this way of thinking, this concept of “nature” in Viveiros de Castro’s fieldwork with the Arawete, as recounted in his 1992 book From the Enemy’s Point of View. In his fieldwork, he notes that “The difference between men and animals is not clear” and  that he could not “find a simple manner of characterizing the place of ‘Nature’ in Arawete cosmology”  for they seem to  think of the “natural” and “cultural” distinction differently to the way that is germane to anthropological thought and by extension that of advanced Western civilization.  In a subsequent article, he elaborates with an example:

“Amerindian words which are usually translated as ‘human being’ and which figure in those supposedly ethno-centric self-designations do not denote humanity as a natural species. They refer rather to the social condition of personhood” (Viveiros de Castro, 1998, p.476)

What is at stake here is that, via perspectival thinking, “humanity” ceases to be a “natural category” and rather, becomes a social condition, something “culturally” constructed. In the same paper, Viveiros de Castro develops this critique of the nature/culture distinction by building upon the work of Philippe Descola (1996) to consider of what can be described as a “Western naturalist ontology”, the assumption that “nature” functions as an inert and impervious reality, “out there” while “culture” functions as the human perceptions of or interventions in it. That is to say, rather than there being multiple cultures and a single nature, Viveiros de Castro suggests that we try to imagine the existence of multiple natures and a single culture; a multinaturalism as opposed to multiculturalism. A singular human experience common to beings (human, non-human, spirit etc.) which corresponded to different ontological realities based upon material considerations (particularly of body or encasement). As Viveiros de Castro (2015, p.72) suggests

“Cultural relativism, which is a multiculturalism, presumes a diversity of partial, subjective representations bearing on an external nature, unitary and whole, that itself is indifferent to representation. Amerindians propose the inverse: on the one hand, a purely pronominal representative unit-the human is what and whomever occupies the position of the cosmological subject; every existent can be thought of as thinking (it exists, therefore it thinks) , as “activated” or “agencied” by a point of view- and, on the other, a real or objective radical diversity. Perspectivism is a multinaturalism, since a perspective is not a representation.”

This concept of “multinaturalism” powerfully reshaped how we think about nature and human/animal relations and its ontogenetic moment lies in noting something as innocuous the Arawete not really having a term for “nature” and allows Viveiros de Castro to develop a complex conceptual structure to explain this.

 

Implications for ethnographers

So how do we adopt this kind of thinking in our ethnographic work in organizations? For many academics (see Holbraad, 2007) the play and invention of concepts is core to the means by which an ethnographer might regard the field differently in light of the ontological turn. There are two things that we can learn here from Viveiros de Castro, firstly, from his concept of “multinaturalism” we can begin to unthink the mono-naturalism that is invoked in the earlier experiences of the shopping centre and the way things “naturally” seem there and call into question the images of nature that the modern corporation uses in order to invoke a sense of quality, beauty, serenity, authenticity etc.. Secondly, and more importantly, we can follow the method that Viveiros de Castro uses to think, that is, through concepts developed by taking seriously the things that interlocutors say to us. This is contra the often popular wisdom that the last person that you can trust to tell you what’s going on is your interlocutors and complicates many of the concerns that we have when “studying up” but it involves the ethnographer in a process of thinking through the implications of a reality wherein “that’s just the nature of how things are” is a true and veritable statement, not underpinned by any implicit biases or internalized logics of boom/bust capital that need to be critically denaturalized but one reflective of a “truth” of the space and by consequence, a nature wherein these truths make sense, wherein the ethnographer does not know what “nature” means in this context. A concept born in conversation in the field. This links intimately to what Viveiros de Castro calls a method of “equivocation” which we do not have time to fully address here but suffice it to say that it begins from the assumption that the “native” and the “ethnographer” speak about a concept (whether this is the gift, or nature, or power, or money) they do so from non-equivalent conceptual regimes that inevitably lead to misunderstandings. What is truly at stake here is the ethnographer’s status as a rational, thinking subject because they are forced to ask “what is it about how I define nature that makes the idea of its cyclicality make sense or the idea of its multiplicity rendered via perspectivism not make sense?”. I have alluded to the fact that there are resonances here to what we have classically called denaturalization but it is far more intensive and prompts flights into abstract contemplation. Perhaps one might consider that there is a fundamental transience to the “natural reality”  of corporate personhood within contemporary capital; that their cycles of birth, life, death, and rebirth should take place ever so brief a period as a few months and that their eulogies should exist in erasure- a well decorated board to hide that nothing is there anymore. Understanding this we might reconsider what it means for a corporation to act as a “person” and furthermore what it means for it to “die” and by consequence what “person” and “death” mean as concepts for the human; the shopping centre here becomes the radical other whose “nature” contrasts our own (even if it share our culture) by which we garner a more profound understanding of ourselves.

 

Concluding Thoughts

In summation then, what might we learn from Eduardo Viveiros de Castro and the ontological turn? Organizational scholars are already unpacking what this turn means (O’Doherty, 2017) but there is still, we argue more work to be done when it comes to the importance of concepts. In a 1966 article that seems to foreshadow much of what he would write about over the subsequent decades, Gilles Deleuze (2004, p.92), describes the challenge of our times as to:

“set up a new image of thought: a thinking that no longer opposes itself as from the outside to the unthinkable or the unthought, but which would lodge the unthinkable, the unthought within itself as thought, and which would be in an essential relationship to it”

For Viveiros de Castro, a keen reader of Gilles Deleuze, I would suggest that this ring true and informs his project of comparative metaphysics. What Deleuze is enshrining here is the imperative to think differently, creatively and in a circumspect way about the ideas and concepts that we encounter in our fields. I remain unsure of whether I can define “good ethnography” on these terms but it might be the case but an ethnography attentive to the concepts of the field may be a good start.

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Reflections

A new appreciation for writing and irony

I started as a writer for the eSports site CLICKON this week. I was astonished by how easy the process was. I sent in a cover letter and CV, they replied asking for a writing sample, I sent it in and they replied with passwords for the website and instructions for submitting my first article.

The work doesn’t pay particularly well, but it’s an engaging job and thus far my editor’s positive attitude makes it an appealing one. It strikes me, however, that there is an extreme irony in the fact that I’ve found employment in the video game that I play in order to distract myself from my academic work (which I’ve devoted the better part of the last 10 years to perfecting) before that academic work has been able to get me job.

One of the more interesting aspects of the CLICKON writing is the SEO (search engine optimization) metrics that are used to adjudge writing quality. My editor has advised that I disregard these but in looking them over, I cannot help but reflect upon the challenges of academic writing, balancing thoroughness and precision with aesthetic style and accessibility often seems an impossible task. Here I reflect upon a paper that I site often, Sinclair and Grey’s Writing Differently, a paper which urges critical scholars to think carefully about what kinds of writing practice they employ.

SEO metrics raise questions around what kind of different writing we want and how a regime/coded system might realize and measure it. In simple terms, SEO metrics offer up an indicator of how well a piece of writing can be judged by a search engine and, as such, how likely it is that the search engine in question will find it and present it to someone looking for information.

In writing an article for CLICKON the system generated the follow review of my writing.

SEO Score.png

I am still in the process of thinking through what this means and whether or not it will affect me in the long term but already I am cognizant of making my sentences shorter, using subheadings, and trying to communicate in simpler terms. However, it is all too often the case that we don’t or can’t notice the importance of a system in shaping our interactions with the world, in determining the possibilities of our thought, until its influence becomes malignant. There is also a critique to be developed here about surveillance and control that I may return to in the coming months.

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Reflections

On the need for new concepts

There are some things that language does not quite describe.

Here’s an example. Over the last year I have been particularly interested to watch Britain bifurcate. The murky and oftentimes fuzzy lines of native/foreign, male/female, middle class/working class, political Left/Right,  have faded into the background of a simpler dichotomy.

In or Out.

Every politician’s Wikipedia page now features a note on how they voted in the Brexit referendum, some of them as prominently as their party affiliation. With the negotiations taking place at the time of writing, this means that every newspaper is covering Brexit, with various reactions and concerns being ever so clearly articulated and analyzed.

Amidst this coverage, one particular type of article, video or story stands out and there’s not really a term to describe it. “Ironic” doesn’t quite fit and “schadenfreude” isn’t altogether accurate.

Maybe it’s a Leave voter who owns a strawberry farm and suddenly realizes that most of his workforce is about to face a major obstacle getting into the country. Or, as is the case in one of the Guardian’s excellent shorts a Remain voter who doesn’t understand the way that her working class boyfriend (and his father) might feel that it’s time for some kind of change. Maybe it’s the Donald Trump supporter who is facing the prospect of losing her health insurance under the new administration’s reforms (indeed, a whole subreddit has formed to chronicle Trump voters who regret their decisions).

There is a certain humour to this that we can all appreciate and even laugh (hence the schadenfreude) but it is also one that we perhaps need to reconsider because it indicates a startling level of political polarization. That is to say, it indicates a fundamental inability to understand the thoughts, fears, hopes and desires of the other. Upon closer consideration we need a concept because the problem is not so simple as the implication of divisive politics or needing a word which can adequately capture the affective experience of engaging with a piece of news like this in order to explain why these stories have such appeal. We would need to fully develop a pedagogy of the concept in order to make sense of its entanglement within which these news items are taking place, i.e., how they emerge as a problem.

A colleague of my describes concepts as ideas adequate to the event of thought. I prefer the following two quotes from Deleuze and Guattari’s What is Philosophy?:

“The concept is the contour, the configuration, the constellation of an event to come.”

“ A concept is a set of inseparable variations that is produced or constructed on a plane of immanence insofar as the latter crosscuts the chaotic variability and gives it consistency (reality).”

Concepts are not merely modes of description for Deleuze and Guattari, they are heterogeneous, interrelated, evolving, and non-discursive relations to a given problem or set of problems. What the current trends in news present us with is a set of problems to which we have not yet adequately been able to respond. We need concepts, therefore, with which to think but, to return to my initial statement, we also need them to tell people that there is a problem.

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Reflections

On conferences and disciplinary policing

This year’s CMS conference was defined more by the papers that were absent than those that were present.

This is not to say that there weren’t great papers, and consequently, very interesting and captivating discussion, particularly in the stream on Experimental Ethnography and the Future of Critique that I convened with my colleague, Oz Gore. It is also not to say that the conference was spoiled by the absence of figures like Martin Parker (notable because of his signature shirts), or of many of my Scandinavian colleagues who I assume are busy getting ready for EGOS in Copenhagen. Nor was it marred by the large number of missing presenters, though, more so than any conference that I have ever attended, it felt like every stream was short of a few presenters and had timetabling shifts to deal with those who were unaccounted for. It was not even the absence of discussion of what David Knights once called the “gladiatorial character of academic conferences” for there was no shortage of combative and aggressively competitive behaviour (both called out and left unobserved). Rather, it is to say that I was consistently surprised by the lack of an awareness of the core traditions of Critical Management Studies by the various presenters that I heard.

As one presenter delivered a paper on the quantitative metrics that were used to measure “employee engagement” without questioning the managerialist assumptions behind the concept, I wondered whether they had read the original edited volume on Critical Management Studies (or indeed any of the growing library of texts within the discipline). As I listened to an author speak avidly about the ways in which they had measured “toxic leadership” by survey I wondered whether they were familiar with Organization as a journal and the papers on Critical Leadership Studies published there. And as I sat through a discussion on what we could learn from Mary Parker Follett, I wondered how the author felt about the morally and ethically dubious nature of Follett’s tradition and whether or not this author knew of the emergence of CMS from Labour Process Theory and thus whether this author had an appreciation of how incongruous their work seemed with the spirit of CMS.

In asking myself these questions, I gained a new appreciation for disciplinarity.

As context, while doing my PhD I gave my supervisors a very hard time on issues around the question of disciplinarity; contending in various ways that the antiquated logic of discipline and the exclusionary disciplinary policing that they were involved in when they asked questions along the lines of “what does this contribute to organization studies?” or “In what ways does this work draw upon the extant traditions of Critical Management Studies?” had no place in the future of the academy. I saw discipline as a means for securing academic identity and reaffirming particular forms of subjectivity and thus, as an obstacle that needed to be undermined. As such, my entire thesis rails against the notion of discipline and proudly touts its post-disciplinary status.

How many crates should I then get to hold all of the hippos that appear as I listen to a presentation at a CMS conference and wonder what the “critical” aspects of their work are?

What saves me from hypocrisy, I think, is that while my work might deviate from the traditions of CMS, I can still claim awareness of what they are and engage with them in my pedagogic practice. This, however, is definitely something to reflect upon further.

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Conceptual Explorations

Conceptual Explorations: The Anthropocene

I’ve recently been very taken with the work of Eduardo Viveiros de Castro. He is not only a keen reader of Gilles Deleuze but (and perhaps consequentially) shares my preoccupation with concepts.

Recently, in rewatching a seminar that he gave in 2013 at UC Davis I had cause to reflect upon his take on what has been termed the Anthropocene, the “intrusion of Gaia” by Isabelle Stengers or that era in which humanity exists as a geological force. While other Deleuze scholars have tried to theorize the Anthropocene, I find Viveiros de Castro’s work the most intriguing.

For Viveiros de Castro, the current era is not the only Anthropocene. What he terms “the first Anthropocene”, that period wherein, within Amazonian cosmologies, humans and animals were not distinct from each other, can teach us much about the present era wherein humanity exists as a “geological force”, notably because it is an epoch wherein the human impact upon the world was “positive” or in the least genetic of new forms of life. For those unfamiliar with Viveiros de Castro’s work on the various people’s of Amazonia, he describes a situation wherein “when the sky was still to close to the Earth, there was nothing in the world except people and tortoises” (Danowski and Viveiros de Castro, 2016, p.61), and through various misadventures and encounters these first people, transformed into the animals, plants etc. that we know today. Non-humans are ex-humans in Amerindian thought.

This has a number of interesting implications at least one of which is a rebuke of human exceptionalism. Following from both this understanding of the “first Anthropocene” and what he describes as  cosmological perspectivism (which we shall have to explore in another entry), we are forced to radically reconceptualize our relationship to “nature”. As Viveiros de Castro suggests of the Amerindians in a recent book The Ends of the World:

“They know that human action inevitably leaves and “ecological footprint” on the world. Differently to us, however, the ground on which they leave their footprints in equally alive and alert, often being the zealously guarded domain of some super-subject (the master spirit of the forest for example).” (Danowski and Viveiros de Castro, 2016, p.71)

Within this cosmology, the eschatological system also proves opposed to that which preoccupies the collective imaginary and popular media of Western civilization. Instead of civilization collapsing and catalysing a return of the animal and nature (cities overgrown with vegetation and whatever is left of the human race is left to eek out “bare” and “meagre” existences) animals etc. will revert to their human forms. Our imaginary of “the end of the world” thus reveals not a fear of annihilation but a loss of our “exceptional” status. Within Amerindian though, this status is already in question.

There is much here that I could continue to unpack, but for me, when we talk about generating a philosophy adequate to the contemporary era or about learning to die in the Anthropocene, Viveiros de Castro is one of the few authors offering something interesting.

(I would urge anyone to read the article Immanence and Fear, which represents Viveiros de Castro at his most readable and relatable)

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Reflections

Learning to Question Corporate Rhetoric

Teaching students to be sceptical of the facades that organizations effect is one of the most important things that I did in the last year.

Lecturers in Business Schools across the world are straddled with a profound challenge: trying to prevent the next financial crisis, the next Enron or the next Volkswagen scandal by teaching students to think about the broader impact of their decisions as managers and reflect upon the civic responsibilities of the profession.

Over the last academic year, I worked as a part of a course that asked first-year students on an undergraduate degree program in Management to do two presentations on contemporary corporations. In the first, students were asked to present generally on specific key concepts attached to the company of their choice (“managing”, “hierarchy”, “values” etc.). The result was unexpected. Sure, many students had opted to discuss firms with “ethical” practices like the Body Shop or John Lewis. With “corporate social responsibility” (CSR) being the buzzword on everyone’s lips and “sustainable business” being the new management consultancy du jour, this was unsurprising. That is to say, with many firms eager to show an increasingly concerned public that they are doing their part to draw the planet away from global ecological collapse, it was to be expected (though still commendable) that these prospective managers would be reflecting upon the civic commitments and societal accountability of their profession.

What was surprising, however, was that my students trusted corporations to report truthfully on their ethical and sustainable practices. From their presentations, it became clear that it did not occur to many of the students that material posted by a corporation on the internet might count as marketing material that sought, among other things, to improve one’s perception of the corporation’s brand. To me as an academic who studies organizations, it is easy to take for granted that someone would doubt or be suspicious of what an organization puts in press releases or posts on its online spaces. I understand this to be a façade managed by Public Relations and marketing teams, one that represents a non-existent reality of “social responsibility”. Thus, I was simply astonished that the majority of students had not even considered that a corporation might not be the best judge of how “ethical” their business practices were or that corporations might not be trustworthy enough to self-report their environmental impact.

The second presentation, in which students were challenged to make a decision about whether to take money from an angel investor and either expand factories in the UK or outsource to Cambodia (where labour and manufacturing cost were lower), confirmed my suspicions that something was wrong here. Many students found themselves thinking about fiduciary responsibilities ahead of concerns about the carbon footprint of shipping; about profits over potentially poor labour standards. A majority opted to outsource and in their presentations they gave the same tired rhetoric that we’ve all heard from corporations time and time again. Statements like “we care about the environment”, or “our employees are our number one asset”, following which they would discuss how Cambodia’s lower minimum wage would mean increased profits for their firm. That is to say, now they were the ones presenting a façade of CSR.

When pressed in a Q&A, many folded and could not speak about the paradoxical ideas at work here. The best presentations ended up being those that tried to argue that they would try to “build sustainability into their actions”, for example using a material made only in Cambodia (e.g. Kapok fabric) or that they would see investing in local communities as a priority, but the majority had no answer. “Socially responsible” was simply another adjective that they could deploy to describe their brand; one that carried no real moral and ethical weight and signified no more concern for the well-being of humanity than any other descriptor. What was interesting here is that the same could be said for those who opted to stay in the UK, that is, that they invariably tried to paint the act of staying in a positive light, as though the corporation should be rewarded for not exploiting minimum wage labour in Cambodia, even where it was clear that they intended to pay no more than minimum wage to their UK workers.

The second presentation proved to be a watershed moment and many left the course reflecting critically upon the decisions that they had made, the morally dubious ways in which they had tried to justify them and, moreover, the façades that they are convinced to participate in as consumers. That is to say, we as members of the public know that modern corporation has a negative impact upon the environment, but how many of us stop to genuinely consider whether what is being said by firms in their online spaces? How many of us critically reflect upon the image of the “ethical corporation” and how this gets used as an empty marketing tactic?

This gets me to the heart of the matter. What scholar Douglas Kellner calls“Critical media literacy” is thus not just another academic fad or preoccupation; it is an essential component of survival in contemporary society. Getting students to the point where they no longer blithely accept corporate rhetoric and repeat empty statements which constitute trite attempts at virtue signalling is crucial for precisely the reason of avoiding the crises and ethical compromises for which these rhetorics serve as a cover.

None of this is to say that there are not “ethical firms” or that all of my students are morally bankrupt. Rather, it is to suggest that most Management students need help to reflect upon the various ways in which corporations represent ethics so that they may not only become more savvy consumers but more importantly, may take up the challenge to think about what makes a “good” manager and why the profession itself has been historically compelled towards scandal. Indeed, if at least a few of them left the course thinking about, in light of increasing awareness of anthropogenic climate change and our general impact upon the planet, how to genuinely conduct business sustainably and responsibly, then as as a teacher, I can’t really ask for more than that.

(Special thanks to Dean Pierides at the University of Manchester for designing the course discussed here)

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Reflections

An extended about page

My work in context

In the same way that the evolving discipline of “management” started looking to Psychology as early as the 20’s and 30’s or considering Sociology in the 60’s and 70’s (forgive the ad hoc chronology), in the 1990’s; largely spurred on by the work of scholars like David Knights, Hugh Willmott, Gibson Burrell, Robert Cooper, Mats Alvesson, John Hassard, Steve Linstead, Robert Chia, Norman Jackson and Pippa Carter etc.; Organization Studies began turning to philosophy and furthering its engagements with critical theory in order to address problems which it faced within the modern corporation interalia power, identity, anxiety, forms of discrimination, disciplinary regimes of control in the organization, politicking, expanding managerialism, and the marketization and deregulation of the 1980’s etc. etc. To oversimplify, these scholars were concerned to “bring the discipline up-to-date” as it were, with developments within the last 100 years of philosophy and critical theory including postmodern and poststructural philosophy (Baudrillard, Derrida, Lacan and in particular Foucault) as well as existentialism (Heidegger, Sartre, de Beauvoir) and the products of Frankfurt School Critical Theory (Adorno and Horkheimer, Habermas, Marcuse, Fromm etc.), drawing inspiration and offering critique, with the best research in this area giving something back to the theory with which it sought to engage (whether conceptual innovation or case study etc.). This is a project that is still taking place today: keeping organization studies at pace with developments in philosophy (see work being done right now around object-oriented ontologies and speculative realism) as well as the rest of the social sciences (see work around organizational ethnography and the ontological turn) even as much as the converse is true. This is where my work is located: in the context of a renaissance of concern with and for the work of French philosopher, Gilles Deleuze.
Why philosophy?

In general terms, my interest in philosophy stems from and is underpinned by a singular question: “How can I engage with some of the most visionary and insightful thinkers of the last century in order to improve my understanding of the world and the organizations that populate it?” Once you understand that this is the core of my intellectual project, everything else that I am interested in becomes fairly self-explanatory.

It explains why I am preoccupied with Critical Management Studies and its interest in understanding the ways in which power, discipline and control shape our experiences of the contemporary corporation or the ways in which management is taught in the contemporary business school and how this is inextricably complicit in the production of every major social and moral atrocity over the last 100 years. It explains why for my doctoral work, I became interested in research methods, that is, in the question of how we can understand something as large and complex as a shopping centre (my research question was simply: “What is a shopping centre?”) holding implicitly thus that the ways in which we think about a shopping centre (as a place to buy things, as a place of collective gathering, as a landlord with tenants, as a private space that masquerades as a public one), are always inadequate to the complexity of the lived experience of the space which shapes behaviour, perception and the possibilities of thought in ways that are impossible to disentangle from the social milieu- and further, that the ways in which we research it are not adequate to the understanding and appreciation of this complexity. Hence it is necessary to reconsider some of the metaphysical preconditions of research (specifically ethnography) to understand how we might begin to think about in ways that can appreciate and develop this complexity.

My current projects take a similar line, considering for example, how our understanding of management guru literature or organizational history can be enriched through the consideration of Deleuze’s work, even as much as the converse is true.

 

Why is critical management studies important?

Reflecting recently on how to explain the importance of critical management studies to a Masters student, I came up with the following and thought it good to record such a definition to remind myself of it in future:

What do the Nazi “Final Solution”, the financial crisis of 07/08, the rise of Donald Trump and other populist leaders, sweatshops and the continued usage of child labour, the increasing dependence of the population upon antidepressants and anti-anxiety medication, anthropogenic climate change and rising levels of stress and workaholism all have in common?

They are all directly attributable to the ways in which management is taught and thought of within the contemporary Business School. While several scholars (Martin Parker comes to mind) have articulated this critique better than I can, suffice it to say that we all spend so much time in, around and under the purview of corporations that it is easy to forget that they are organized and managed by the very principles that the Business School teaches and develops. To not address these concerns is to be complicit in their production. There is no moral grey area here as far as I am concerned. Either one is provoking Business School students to think critically about the human and social effects of what we teach: bureaucracy, managerialism, the blind culture of unthinkingly accepting market solutions as positive, profit at any cost, managing culture, leadership, the management of “human resources”- or one becomes directly responsible when a graduate of your university advises their company to evade taxes and ignore their civic responsibilities, off-shores production to a factory with a deplorable history human rights abuses, dumps chemicals into the ocean, falls prey to a con-artist or guru posing as a transformational leader or manipulates and abuses employees via zero-hour contracts and culture management schemes. This is what we have taught students to do or legitimate through the Business School’s ideology, or failed to teach them not to do, and yet we respond with surprise and scandal when they do it. This is why CMS is important to me, because of the pedagogical responsibility to ensure that the next generation of managers can fulfil their roles with a strong critical and moral compass that can respond with circumspect judgement to the things that the modern corporation might ask of them.

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